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Once achieved, military
invulnerability can only be maintained with
constant improvements
Compañeras and compañeros,
FORTY-FIVE
years after 1961, that decisive year for the
Revolution, we can feel the double satisfaction
of still having with us the Commander in Chief
of always, and of having acted in accordance
with the principle summed up by this affirmation
of his: "We shall not drop our guard for a
single minute. We shall not rest for one minute
in the work of organizing the defense."
Fidel made that affirmation on January 20, 1961
before the thousands of Havana militia troops
returning to confront – together with their
comrades from the center and east of the country
– the armed bands incited by the empire in the
mountains of the central region, in what was
then Las Villas province.
The Revolution had already given palpable
evidence that arming the people was far from
being a slogan. It was a reality, growing before
the eyes of the enemy forces, who would be able
to confirm that in their own flesh three months
later.
The Bay of Pigs is a crucial landmark in the
decision to confront the enemy with weapons in
hand. The Days of the Militia, the Anti-Aerial
Defense (DAAFAR) and of the Tank Regiment are
associated with its battles, and shortly before
or after that great victory, the Central,
Eastern and Western armies were born on April 4,
April 21, and June 14, respectively. A few days
previously, on June 6, the Ministry of the
Interior was created. Thus these have been
months of many and justified celebrations.
Majors of the Revolution Juan Almeida, Ramiro
Valdés and Guillermo García, founder members of
those institutions and exceptional protagonists
of those events, are here as well as myself, who
did something for the Eastern Army in those
days.
Also present are the current chiefs, Generals of
the Army Corps Leopoldo Cintra, Ramón Espinosa
and Joaquín Quintas. I believe that all our
combatants, as firmly united as they were in
1961 and always will be, will feel represented
by them.
In a fortunate historical coincidence, we are
also commemorating today the birth of two great
men: the 161st anniversary of that of Lieutenant
General Antonio Maceo and the 78th of Commander
Ernesto Che Guevara, and thus three stages of
one same army are symbolically fused in this
event: the Mambí (19th century freedom
fighters), the Rebel and the FAR (Revolutionary
Armed Forces).
WE CUBANS ARE AWARE THAT WITHOUT THE SUSTAINED
EFFORT OF OUR PEOPLE TO CONSOLIDATE THE DEFENSE
CAPACITY OF OUR COUNTRY, WE WOULD HAVE CEASED TO
EXIST AS AN INDEPENDENT NATION A LONG TIME AGO
We Cubans are aware that without the sustained
effort of our people to consolidate the defense
capacity of our country, we would have ceased to
exist as an independent nation a long time ago.
In accordance with that principle and after a
profound analysis of the times in which we were
living and scenarios that could present
themselves in the short term, on July 15, 2003,
our Party, represented by the plenary of its
Central Committee, presided over by its first
secretary, called on everyone to increase
whatever we were doing to fortify our defenses.
That time could not have been more complex. The
U.S. government was experiencing the
triumphalist euphoria of a supposed thunderous
victory in Iraq. That illusion, supported by a
gigantic propaganda campaign based on lies,
confused a large number of U.S. citizens and
many others throughout the world at that point.
Even though the anti-war movement was strong in
some areas the aggressive policy of the empire
had the backing of the population at that
moment, as was reflected in surveys.
Many unsuspecting people saw that war as part of
a supposed crusade against terrorism. They did
not realize that in real terms it was an action
coherent with the imperialist plans of planetary
hegemony, another effort aimed at controlling
essential raw materials, in particular fuel; in
parallel, a fresh attempt to go for the old
scheme of war as a means of overcoming the
economic crisis; and also, not exactly in the
last place, to satisfy the desire for profits of
the large transnational consortiums.
In those conditions favorable to their
interests, it was obvious that the imperial
hawks were considering the possibility of giving
a piece of their mind to those who signified a
obstacle to their dreams of world domination,
and evidently, Cuba, for reasons that are all
too well known, could be high on the list of
immediate targets.
This U.S. administration’s increasing backing of
ultra-right groups of Cuban origin based in
Miami, as well as the extended inciting of local
mercenaries by the U.S. Interests Section in
Havana, compounded by increased provocations and
acts of terrorism such as the hijacking of
civilian vessels and aircraft, all accompanied
by the staging of grand media campaigns, were
clear signals of such aggressive plans.
That was happening at an extremely difficult
juncture for the country, given the combination
of the increased price of oil after the invasion
of Iraq, the collapse of tourism as a
consequence of the September 11 attacks in 2001,
and the vertiginous descent of sugar prices to
levels that made its production simply
unsustainable in many parts of the island.
None of that daunted us. Along with other
important tasks of the Revolution, the programs
contained in the Battle of Ideas directed at
improving education, health, social security,
culture, sports – at the end of day, the quality
of life of the people, went ahead.
The resources for that miracle did not come from
any mysterious fund. They emerged from the
creative ingenuity, talent and organized and
enthusiastic work of our people. Those who have
considerably fortified the country’s defense
capacity come from that same source.
OUR SECURITY IN VICTORY IS SUSTAINED BY THE
BLOOD OF FALLEN COMPAÑEROS AND IN THE RIVERS OF
SWEAT SPILLED BY MILLIONS OF CUBANS
Behind the affirmation of the commander in chief
that Cuba today is virtually invulnerable to a
military aggression lie many hours of
dispassionate analysis of the strengths and
weaknesses of our probable enemy, as well as the
possibilities of standing up to it using the
ways and methods most appropriate for a small
country like ours that does not have great
natural wealth, but does have the exceptional
source of the revolutionary morale and knowledge
of our sons and daughters.
Our security in victory is sustained by the
blood of fallen compañeros and in the rivers of
sweat spilled by millions of Cubans throughout
the decades and particularly in recent years,
who have worked to make our principal objective
of avoiding war a reality.
The terrible hornet’s nest that every corner of
our country would become; I repeat, the terrible
hornet’s nest that every corner of our country
would become, would cause enemy losses far
superior to those that U.S. public opinion would
be prepared to allow.
It is fair to recall that in those extreme
circumstances, as in others we have lived
through throughout 45 years of aggression of
every kind, we have not seen nor do we see the
U.S. people as an enemy; quite the opposite.
Last April, in the east of the country, we
initiated visits lasting various days to the
territories of the three armies in the company
of Major of the Revolution Juan Almeida and the
principal FAR chiefs, the last of which ended
last week with the Central Army.
The objective was to directly confirm on the
ground the fulfillment of the agreements of the
Plenary of the Central Committee to which I
referred at the beginning of my address, and the
decisions of the Commander in Chief derived from
the Bastion 2004 Strategic Exercise. I can
confirm, with full causal knowledge that however
significant was the increase in the country’s
defense capacity up to that date, since then the
effort and, above all, the results, have
appreciably doubled.
To the point that it was advisable, the people
were aware of the lengthy sessions that the
Commander in Chief devoted to Bastion 2004,
which even extended for various days after the
official completion of the exercise.
The putting into practice of the decisions
derived from that detailed analysis – a summary
of the conclusions reached by hundreds of
leadership and command bodies – signified a
considerable qualitative leap in the country’s
defense capacity. And I am not referring to
issues directly linked to the armed struggle.
The measures being adopted in the economic and
sociopolitical terrains are just as important.
From the grand collective workshop directed by
our Chief emerged solutions at once rational,
creative and bold that permitted an immediate
response to many important problems that had
concerned us over a long period.
Aware that human beings are the fundamental
component of our defensive power, particular
attention has been given to training personnel.
Not only was the instruction for the troops
improved. In just three years, the leaders and
civilian officials who have updated their
knowledge of their duties in relation to defense
run into the thousands.
The military training centers, this
Brigade-School where were are meeting, and other
similar ones existing in all the military
regions that make up the three armies, are still
playing a decisive role in attaining that
important objective.
Likewise all the defense plans were redrafted,
from national level to the area of defense, to
bring them into line with the new realities and
the particularities of each concrete place,
based on the new concepts developed.
As has invariably happened throughout our
revolutionary history, and particularly at
moments of danger, when mentioning those who
made those results possible one cannot separate
the military and civilians because, as always,
all of us work closely together.
It couldn’t be any other way. The War of All the
People is far from being a simply theoretical
concept, it is a daily reality in every task
aimed at strengthening the country’s defense.
Workers from the Ministry of Construction and
from the bodies of People's Power, engineering
troops and military construction workers have
built hundreds of kilometers of tunnels and
other fortified works. Patriots in uniform or
out of uniform attached to other agencies of
state central administration have joined efforts
to develop communications and upgrade and
manufacture combat means. This last task – with
a rational investment of material resources –
has translated into a considerable increase in
their combat qualities and, above all, making
them correspond to the use we foresee giving
them, while allowing the reanimation of one part
of national industry and demonstrating the
significant potential existing in those workers’
collectives.
It has been the same with tasks directed at the
country’s economic and social development. I
shall limit myself to mentioning some notable
examples, such as the important contribution of
combatants in the Army of Working Youth over the
years, the large group of FAR officers who have
contributed to easing the flow of merchandise
from the ports to its destination, or that
currently being undertaken by the military
construction enterprises with workers from the
Ministry of Construction and the National
Institute of Hydraulic Resources in the
large-scale diversion of rivers in the eastern
region and subsequently in the center of the
island, which will make it possible to move
large volumes of water to the regions
traditionally most affected by drought in the
provinces of Holguín, Las Tunas and Camagüey.
The important results achieved in the training
for the defense of the country are a new point
of departure for continued advances. This is a
task that has demanded and will constantly
require years of sustained effort, maximum when
the international situation could be radically
transformed in a matter of days. Once achieved,
military invulnerability can only be maintained
with constant improvements.
In the strengthening of the defense capacity,
creative workers, intelligence, the
revolutionary morale and awareness of the people
and their leaders at all levels and of all
institutions have been more decisive than
resources – which have also become available in
a growing form.
ONLY THE COMMUNIST PARTY, AS AN INSTITUTION THAT
BRINGS TOGETHER THE REVOLUTIONARY VANGUARD AND
IS A SURE GUARANTEE OF CUBAN UNITY IN ALL TIMES,
CAN BE THE WORTHY INHERITOR OF THE CONFIDENCE
DEPOSITED BY THE PEOPLE IN ITS LEADER
The 47-plus years that have passed since January
1, 1959, totally demonstrate that the millions
of Cubans prepared to defend the Revolution to
the final consequences are not moved by a
passing enthusiasm or political fanaticism, but
a confidence based on the infallible evidence of
time and facts, on the profound conviction that
the road chosen is the correct one, and in
undefeatable national unity.
That is the key to our defensive power, to our
capacity to resist and overcome the greatest
adversities. The enemy knows that, and for that
reason aims its blows at weakening us
ideologically. And it does so, above all, with a
view to the future, to a scenario that it
considers more favorable for its propositions.
We should not forget that they have drawn up a
so so-called transition to capitalism, banking
on an end to the Revolution when its historical
leadership is no longer here. For that reason
they are maintaining the so-called Commission
for Assistance to a Free Cuba with a designated
U.S. administrator and everyone to the front,
like in the good old days of the Yankee cannons
throughout Latin America.
We are confronting an enemy whose obstinacy and
arrogance frequently leads it to commit errors,
but that does not mean that it is stupid. It
knows that the special confidence given by the
people to the founding leader of a Revolution,
is not transmitted, as if it were an
inheritance, to those who occupy the main
leadership posts in the country in the future.
I reiterate what I have affirmed on many
occasions: the Commander in Chief of the Cuban
Revolution is solely and uniquely the Communist
Party, as an institution that brings together
the revolutionary vanguard and is a sure
guarantee of Cuban unity in all times, can be
the worthy inheritor of the confidence deposited
by the people in its leader. That is what we are
working for and that is how it will be, the rest
is pure speculation, not to call it by another
name.
Just as we have won all the battles, as much
within Cuba as in fulfilling our
internationalist duty, we shall overcome the
enemy who tries to hide within our ranks, we
shall further consolidate the Revolution and we
shall make ourselves stronger on all fronts.
Indisputably, circumstances have changed
radically in relation to those existing in July
2003, when the plenary of the Central Committee
that I have already referred to took place.
Whereas at that time, in response to questions
asked them or composed surveys, between 90% and
55% of the U.S. population supported the policy
of Mr. Bush, at this point in time that figure,
at best, is no more than one third of citizens,
something that could make even a city councilor
quake.
The lightning victory given by the "mission
accomplished" in Iraq three years ago has turned
into a maze without a visible way out and full
of mires everywhere. Even Afghanistan, which
seemed to be pacified – at least the principal
cities, really the only ones that they managed
to control to a certain extent – are beginning
to be another serious headache for the empire
and its allies.
The U.S. economy is hanging more and more on the
weak thread of war costs. Add to that the
unchecked printing of dollars with which they
are trying to counter the growing trade and
budget imbalances, any impartial prognosis would
point to a debacle sooner or later.
On the other hand, more and more people within
the United States are calling for a reassessment
of the policy on Cuba, including some important
voices within the U.S. forces.
Without any doubt, it would not seem to be the
most appropriate scenario for undertaking new
military adventures, but the lessons of history
must not be forgotten. It would not be the first
time that an imperialist power and, in
particular, the United States, has turned to war
as a way of attempting to get out of an internal
crisis of any type.
Neither should we discount the possibility that
wounded arrogance or desperation could take them
to the insanity of initiating a military
aggression against Cuba, however crazy that
might seem to be.
That explains the validity and permanence of
what compañero Fidel stated in the Central
report to the 1st Party Congress:
"While imperialism exists, the Party, the state
and the people will lend maximum attention to
defense services. The revolutionary guard must
never be neglected. History teaches with too
much eloquence that those who forget this
principle will not survive the error."
That is how it will be, so that we can always
shout in the face of the empire:
íViva Cuba libre!
(Granma) 24-07-2006
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