FREE THE 5 NOW !!!

electronic publication with information about the political prisoners of the empire 

Centenario, Provincia del Neuquén - Patagonia Argentina, Julio 03 del 2006

 Working Group for the Freedom of the Five Cuban Patriots, Political Prisoners of the Empire 

YEAR II - Nº 20 of the English Version 

Imprisoned in the United States for opposing terrorism 

Antonio Guerrero-Gerardo Hernández-Fernando González-Ramón Labañino-René González

History Justifies the Mission of the Cuban Five

Ahora.cu

Titled "Plan to Assassinate Castro Uncovered," the Miami-based Spanish language newspaper El Nuevo Herald provides details regarding a recent scandal involving leading members of terrorist Cuban-American organizations based in that US city. The explicit revelation was made by Jose Antonio Llama, the former board member of the Cuban American National Foundation, in which he acknowledges the creation of a paramilitary group with the objective of carrying out terrorists actions to destabilize Cuba and kill President Fidel Castro.

In his statements, the "regretful" Llama, alias Tonin, gave a detailed explanation of purchases of an arsenal which included "a cargo helicopter, 10 ultralight radio-controlled planes, seven vessels and abundant explosive materials."

According to the close colleague of former CANF Director Jorge Mas Canosa, the initiative was organized in the early 1990's, at the same time as the fall of the former Soviet Union and the disappearance of the socialist community in Eastern Europe. At that time the collapse of the Cuban Revolution was predicted to occur within weeks. The assassination plot failed after the Tonin's yacht, "Esperanza," was captured when it was on its way to the Venezuelan island of Margarita, the site of the Ibero-American Summit in which the Cuban leader was to participate. To the surprise of the US Coast Guard which intercepted the vessel on the high seas, rather that finding drugs on board, they discovered a powerful 50caliber rifle and other weapons to be used in the planed attack. It is worthwhile to recall that Tonin and his four fellow crewmembers were arrested and tried in 1997 by a federal court in Puerto Rico, accused of conspiracy to assassinate President Fidel Castro. However, in one of those unusual cases of the US justice system when it comes to Cuba, the accused were exonerated due to "lack of evidence."

One must ask why this horrifying tale --more suited to a crime novel has exploded after almost 10 years to only strengthen terrorist acts and the violation of US law. Simple. Everything becomes clear when we learn that Llama is in deep trouble due to the fact that this whole operation was financed by a personal loan he secured to the tune of $1.47 million. No one has been able to explain the proposed uses of the funds which were extended, and everything indicates that there is no intention to return the money.

El Nuevo Herald describes the scenes in which an outraged and ruined Llama was "surrounded by a number of boxes with files within which were meticulously organized documents, meeting notes and newspaper clippings." These proved the fraud which he had been subjected to by his former partners.

This episode provides evidence --from the mouth of one of the perpetrators-- of the terrorist and illegal character of these counter-revolutionary organizations, particularly the Cuban American National Foundation with its official front of a lobbying group. This also shows the moral shadiness of these fellows who have made the anti-Castro issue a million dollar industry, using the traditional Miami-Dade approach of "passing the buck" and accessing the money of the US taxpayers.

Finally, we should not forget, this raises two questions which we will leave for the readers:

Doesn't this story demonstrate Cuba's right and need to have infiltrated right wing Cuban-American terrorist organizations to learn about plans and protect the Cuban people?

Isn't it unjust that five anti-terrorist fighters have been imprisoned in the US for almost eight years, serving long prison terms for espionage and "constituting a danger" to US national security?

Miami Groups Cry Double Standard In Terror Arrests       

Jason Wheeler CBS 4

(CBS4 News) MIAMI Several grass-roots and black community groups in Liberty City expressed concern over a double standard applied in the arrests of seven Liberty City men suspected of plotting terrorist attacks last week.

Cop Watch, led by community leader Max Rameau, the Miami-Dade NAACP and the Haiti Solidarity Committee were among the groups present at the warehouse in Liberty City where the men were arrested last Thursday for a news conference. The groups are concerned about the timing of the arrests and the race of the men involved. All are black and/or Haitian nationals living in the United States.

"If a Black organization confessed to blowing up a plane and buying weapons to attack another country, they would be jailed immediately," wrote event organizer Max Rameau of Cop Watch in a press release. "However, because these South Florida terrorists are white Hispanic, the media does not demonize them or demand their arrests, and the police, local or federal, are content to let them continue their actions."

The group makes reference to Dr. Orlando Bosch, the Cuban anti-Castro activist and ex-CIA operative who has admitted to playing a role in the October 6, 1976 bombing of a Cuban airlines filled with citizens. Bosch has not been prosecuted and neither has Luis Antonia Llama, who admitted to planning attacks on Castro’s regime in Cuba.

Prosecutors have admitted that the men arrested last week did not have any explosives nor the financial backing to carry out any of their alleged terror attacks such as the blowing up of the Sears Tower in Chicago – the tallest building in the United States. The investigation also revealed the men were planning on blowing up FBI and other Federal buildings.

However, these activists are concerned if the men wouldn’t have been black or the attacks would’ve been of another nature, the suspects involved would not have been prosecuted to this extent - especially with the lack of resources the seven suspects faced carry out any attack.

Thursday, a hearing was held in Miami Federal Court where a judge decided Lyglenson Lemorin will be extradited to Miami and will remain behind bars as he awaits trial. Lemorin, though allegedly tied to the Miami group, was arrested in Atlanta. He signed a statement admitting to the FBI that he signed an oath to al Qaeda. Investigators say the group held meetings that Lemorin participated in as a member of the “Moorish Science Temple”, a group led by co-defendant Narseal Batiste.

A federal indictment says that Batiste, 32, Patrick Abraham, 26, Burson Augustin, 21, Rothschild Augustine, 22, Naudimar Herrera, 22, Lyglenson Lemorin, 31, and Stanley Grant Phanor, 31, were determined to wage war against the United States.

Immigration officials have a hold on Lemorin, so that even if he is granted bond he will remain in detention. ICE considers him a flight risk because, as a Haitian national, he could face deportation back to Haiti if found guilty.

Phanor is also a Haitian national.

Daniel Lastra, CBS4.COM

Posada's CIA ties uncovered in papers

ALFONSO CHARDY AND OSCAR CORRAL

Details have emerged about Cuban exile militant Luis Posada Carriles' CIA links 40 years ago in South Florida. One revelation: his tie to the agency's Miami bureau.

Nearly four years after the failed CIA-backed Bay of Pigs invasion, Cuban exile militant Luis Posada Carriles continued to work for the spy agency, according to CIA files released to The Miami Herald.

His job: ''Training Branch Instructor'' for its Miami station, which then was responsible for intelligence-gathering missions into Cuba. He was part of the covert JMWAVE -- the code name for the CIA Miami bureau, which at the time operated within the University of Miami.

His tenure: March 26, 1965, to July 11, 1967.

The revelation of Posada's ties to the CIA's operations in Miami was contained in documents requested by The Miami Herald as part of a Freedom of Information Act request.

Although some of Posada's CIA links were known previously, the CIA files released to the newspaper this month add detail about the Cuban militant's connections to America's storied and controversial spy agency.

The information comes at a time that Posada, currently detained in El Paso, Texas, is seeking approval of his U.S. citizenship application on the ground that he served the CIA and the U.S. military.

Posada, 78, has been held since immigration agents took him into custody in Miami last year after his surreptitious entry into the United States from Mexico. Posada was detained just hours after holding an ''invitation-only'' press conference at a West Miami-Dade County warehouse.

Posada has been denied asylum, although an immigration judge in El Paso prohibited the government from deporting him to Cuba or Venezuela.

Posada has been accused of blowing up a Cuban airliner in the Caribbean in 1976, bombing hotels in Cuba in 1997 and 1998, and conspiring to kill Cuban President Fidel Castro in Panama in 2000. He has denied all of the allegations.

POSADA'S CLAIM

Posada's lawyer, Eduardo Soto, told The Miami Herald on Friday that the CIA documents could help his client gain freedom because they confirm that he was a soldier and employee of the U.S. government for years.

''I believe it fortifies in some way his claim that he was not only a soldier of this country on the armed services, but served as an employee for the CIA,'' Soto said. ``That bodes well with respect to our request that he be placed at liberty.''

Posada could be freed after a hearing July 6 in El Paso, although it's unlikely, since immigration officials are adamant about keeping him locked up.

Soto said skills Posada developed while working for JMWAVE were later put to use to advance U.S. interests in Central America in the 1980s.

In 1985, after Posada fled a Venezuelan jail where he was held in connection with the 1976 airliner attack, he turned up in El Salvador, working for a covert arms-resupply network for the Nicaraguan contras overseen by then National Security Council staff member Oliver North.

Whether the newly released papers will help or hinder Posada in his quest for citizenship and freedom was unclear.

Some of the documents contain references to potentially derogatory information suggesting that the CIA severed its relationship with Posada because of his alleged association with a known mobster and suspicions that his brother had links to Cuban intelligence.

Soto said he did not believe that those references would affect his client's case. Soto denied that Posada had a relationship with a gangster or that his CIA assignments were compromised by his brother.

REQUEST DENIED

One document shows that Posada's request for a military reserve commission was denied in 1966. The document, dated April 5, 1972, said Army records showed that Posada's application for the commission was ''disapproved'' in September 1966 after an Army Intelligence Command background investigation.

Although the reasons for the denial were contained in the original document, the copy given to The Miami Herald did not include them.

Another document, undated but marked ''SECRET'' and titled Updated Biographic Data, said Posada's ''termination'' as a JMWAVE ''CI,'' or confidential informant, came on July 11, 1967.

At the bottom of the document are handwritten notes listing references to Posada's contacts with his brother Roberto and the reputed gangster -- Frank ''Lefty'' Rosenthal. Another document says Posada believes that his other brother, Raul, is an engineer who ``works for the Cuban government.''

The handwritten note about Roberto says ''suspect'' and ''Cuban I.S.,'' possibly a reference to intelligence service.

Posada, in an interview in detention in El Paso last year, said he had ''no relation'' to Rosenthal but would not elaborate and declined to discuss family connections in Cuba.

Many of the documents given to The Miami Herald were previously released by the CIA to the National Archives. Some are also available in the collection of the National Security Archive, a nongovernmental research institute and library at The George Washington University in Washington, D.C.

Information in the documents was also shared with investigators from the House Select Committee on Assassinations, which in the 1970s reinvestigated President Kennedy's 1963 assassination. The committee probed whether organized crime, Cuban exiles or exile groups conspired to kill Kennedy.

The committee concluded that exile groups were not involved in an assassination conspiracy, but did not rule out the possible role of individual exiles.

The documents released did not show any connection between Posada and the assassination. Posada told The Miami Herald in El Paso last year that he was in Georgia on the day Kennedy was killed in Dallas.

None of the documents contained specific details about Posada's duties for JMWAVE.

Former Miami Herald Latin America editor Don Bohning, who researched JMWAVE for his recent book, The Castro Obsession, said JMWAVE directed exile attacks in Cuba until 1963 and then staged covert intelligence-gathering missions until it was deactivated in early 1968.

LUIS POSADA CARRILES 
THE DECLASSIFIED RECORD           
CIA and FBI Documents Detail Career in International Terrorism; Connection to U.S.

Terrorists in Miami, Oh My!

Robert Parry

The Bush administration finally took action against alleged terrorists living in plain sight in Miami, but they weren’t the right-wing Cuban terrorists implicated in actual acts of terror, such as blowing a civilian Cuban airliner out of the sky. They were seven young black men whose crime was more “aspirational than operational,” the FBI said.

As media fanfare over the arrests made the seven young men, many sporting dreadlocks, the new face of the terrorist enemy in America, Attorney General Alberto Gonzales conceded that the men had no weapons or explosives and represented “no immediate threat.”

But Gonzales warned that these kinds of homegrown terrorists “may prove to be as dangerous as groups like al-Qaeda.” [NYT, June 24, 2006]

For longtime observers of political terrorism in South Florida, the aggressive reaction to what may have been the Miami group’s loose talk about violence, possibly spurred by an FBI informant posing as an al-Qaeda operative, stands in marked contrast to the U.S. government’s see-no-evil approach to notorious Cuban terrorists who have lived openly in  Miami for decades.

For instance, the Bush administration took no action in early April 2006, when a Spanish-language Miami television station interviewed Cuban terrorist Orlando Bosch, who offered a detailed justification for the 1976 mid-air bombing of a Cubana Airlines flight that killed 73 people, including the young members of the Cuban national fencing team.

Bosch refused to admit guilt, but his chilling defense of the bombing – and the strong evidence that has swirled around his role – left little doubt of his complicity, even as he lives in Miami as a free man, protected both in the past and present by the Bush family.

The Bush administration also has acted at a glacial pace in dealing with another Cuban exile implicated in the bombing, Luis Posada Carriles, whose illegal presence in Miami was an open secret for weeks in early 2005 before U.S. authorities took him into custody, only after he had held a press conference.

But even then, the administration has balked at sending Posada back to Venezuela where the government of Hugo Chavez – unlike some of its predecessors – was eager to prosecute Posada for the Cubana Airlines murders.

Summing up George W. Bush’s dilemma in 2005, the New York Times wrote, “A grant of asylum could invite charges that the Bush administration is compromising its principle that no nation should harbor suspected terrorists. But to turn Mr. Posada away could provoke political wrath in the conservative Cuban-American communities of South Florida, deep sources of support and campaign money for President Bush and his brother, Jeb.” [NYT, May 9, 2005]

Bush Family Ties

But there’s really nothing new about these two terrorists – and other violent right-wing extremists – getting protection from the Bush family.

For three decades, both Bosch and Posada have been under the Bush family’s protective wing, starting with former President George H.W. Bush (who was CIA director when the airline bombing occurred in 1976) and extending to Florida Gov. Jeb Bush and President George W. Bush.

The evidence points to one obvious conclusion:  the Bushes regard terrorism – defined as killing civilians to make a political point – as justified in cases when their interests match those of the terrorists. In other words, their moral outrage is selective, depending on the identity of the victims.

That hypocrisy was dramatized by the TV interview with Bosch on Miami’s Channel 41, which was cited in articles on the Internet by Venezuela’s lawyer José Pertierra, but was otherwise widely ignored by the U.S. news media. [For Pertierra’s story, see Counterpunch, April 11, 2006]

“Did you down that plane in 1976?” asked reporter Juan Manuel Cao.

“If I tell you that I was involved, I will be inculpating myself,” Bosch answered, “and if I tell you that I did not participate in that action, you would say that I am lying. I am therefore not going to answer one thing or the other.”

But when Cao asked Bosch to comment on the civilians who died when the plane crashed off the coast of Barbados in 1976, Bosch responded, “In a war such as us Cubans who love liberty wage against the tyrant [Fidel Castro], you have to down planes, you have to sink ships, you have to be prepared to attack anything that is within your reach.”

“But don’t you feel a little bit for those who were killed there, for their families?” Cao asked.

“Who was on board that plane?” Bosch responded. “Four members of the Communist Party, five North Koreans, five Guyanese.” [Officials tallies actually put the Guyanese dead at 11.]

Bosch added, “Four members of the Communist Party, chico! Who was there? Our enemies…”

“And the fencers?” Cao asked about Cuba’s amateur fencing team that had just won gold, silver and bronze medals at a youth fencing competition in Caracas. “The young people on board?”

Bosch replied, “I was in Caracas. I saw the young girls on television. There were six of them. After the end of the competition, the leader of the six dedicated their triumph to the tyrant. … She gave a speech filled with praise for the tyrant.

“We had already agreed in Santo Domingo, that everyone who comes from Cuba to glorify the tyrant had to run the same risks as those men and women that fight alongside the tyranny.” [The comment about Santo Domingo was an apparent reference to a strategy meeting by a right-wing terrorist organization, CORU, which took place in the Dominican Republic in 1976.]

“If you ran into the family members who were killed in that plane, wouldn’t you think it difficult?” Cao asked.

“No, because in the end those who were there had to know that they were cooperating with the tyranny in Cuba,” Bosch answered.

In an article about Bosch’s remarks, lawyer Pertierra said the answers “give us a glimpse into the mind of the kind of terrorist that the United States government harbors and protects in Miami.”

The Posada Case

Bosch was arrested for illegally entering the United States during the first Bush administration, but he was paroled in 1990 by President George H.W. Bush at the behest of the President’s eldest son Jeb, then an aspiring Florida politician.

Not only did the first Bush administration free Bosch from jail a decade and a half ago, the second Bush administration has now pushed Venezuela’s extradition request for his alleged co-conspirator, Posada, onto the back burner.

The downed Cubana Airlines flight originated in Caracas where Venezuelan authorities allege the terrorist plot was hatched. However, U.S. officials have resisted returning Posada to Venezuela because Hugo Chavez is seen as friendly to Castro’s communist government in Cuba.

At a U.S. immigration hearing in 2005, Posada’s defense attorney put on a Posada friend as a witness who alleged that Venezuela’s government practices torture. Bush administration lawyers didn’t challenge the claim, leading the immigration judge to bar Posada’s deportation to Venezuela.

In September 2005, Venezuela’s Ambassador Bernardo Alvarez called the 77-year-old Posada “the Osama Bin Laden of Latin America” and accused the Bush administration of applying “a cynical double standard” in its War on Terror.

Alvarez also denied that Venezuela practices torture. “There isn’t a shred of evidence that Posada would be tortured in Venezuela,” Alvarez said, adding that the claim is particularly ironic given widespread press accounts that the Bush administration has abused prisoners at the U.S. military base in Guatanamo Bay, Cuba.

Theoretically, the Bush administration could still extradite Posada to Venezuela to face the 73 murder counts, but it is essentially ignoring Venezuela’s extradition request while holding Posada on minor immigration charges of entering the United States illegally.

Meanwhile, Posada has begun maneuvering to gain his freedom. Citing his service in the U.S. military from 1963-65 in Vietnam, Posada has applied for U.S. citizenship, and his lawyer Eduardo Soto has threatened to call U.S. government witnesses, including former White House aide Oliver North, to vouch for Posada’s past service to Washington.

Posada became a figure in the Iran-Contra scandal because of his work on a clandestine program to aid Nicaraguan contra rebels fighting Nicaragua’s leftist Sandinista government. The operation was run secretly out of the White House by North with the help of the office of then-Vice President George H.W. Bush.

Posada reached Central America in 1985 after escaping from a Venezuelan prison where he had been facing charges from the 1976 Cubana Airlines bombing. Posada, using the name Ramon Medina, teamed up with another Cuban exile, former CIA officer Felix Rodriguez, who reported regularly to Bush’s office.

Posada oversaw logistics and served as paymaster for pilots in the contra-supply operation. When one of the contra-supply planes was shot down inside Nicaragua in October 1986, Posada was responsible for alerting U.S. officials to the crisis and then shutting down the operation’s safe houses in El Salvador.

Even after the exposure of Posada’s role in the contra-supply operation, the U.S. government made no effort to bring the accused terrorist to justice.

Secret History

As for the Cubana Airlines bombing, declassified U.S. documents show that after the plane was blown out of the sky on Oct. 6, 1976, the CIA, then under the direction of George H.W. Bush, quickly identified Posada and Bosch as the masterminds of the Cubana Airlines bombing.

But in fall 1976, Bush’s boss, President Gerald Ford, was in a tight election battle with Democrat Jimmy Carter and the Ford administration wanted to keep intelligence scandals out of the newspapers. So Bush and other officials kept the lid on the investigations. [For details, see Robert Parry’s Secrecy & Privilege.]

Still, inside the U.S. government, the facts were known. According to a secret CIA cable dated Oct. 14, 1976, intelligence sources in Venezuela relayed information about the Cubana Airlines bombing that tied in anti-communist Cuban extremists Bosch, who had been visiting Venezuela, and Posada, who then served as a senior officer in Venezuela’s intelligence agency, DISIP.

The Oct. 14 cable said Bosch arrived in Venezuela in late September 1976 under the protection of Venezuelan President Carlos Andres Perez, a close Washington ally who assigned his intelligence adviser Orlando Garcia “to protect and assist Bosch during his stay in Venezuela.”

On his arrival, Bosch was met by Garcia and Posada, according to the report. Later, a fundraising dinner was held in Bosch’s honor during which Bosch requested cash from the Venezuelan government in exchange for assurances that Cuban exiles wouldn’t demonstrate during Andres Perez’s planned trip to the United Nations.

“A few days following the fund-raising dinner, Posada was overheard to say that, ‘we are going to hit a Cuban airplane,’ and that ‘Orlando has the details,’” the CIA report said.

“Following the 6 October Cubana Airline crash off the coast of Barbados, Bosch, Garcia and Posada agreed that it would be best for Bosch to leave Venezuela. Therefore, on 9 October, Posada and Garcia escorted Bosch to the Colombian border, where he crossed into Colombian territory.”

The CIA report was sent to CIA headquarters in Langley, Virginia, as well as to the FBI and other U.S. intelligence agencies, according to markings on the cable.

A Round-up

In South America, investigators began rounding up suspects in the bombing.

Two Cuban exiles, Hernan Ricardo and Freddy Lugo, who had left the Cubana plane in Barbados, confessed that they had planted the bomb. They named Bosch and Posada as the architects of the attack.

A search of Posada’s apartment in Venezuela turned up Cubana Airlines timetables and other incriminating documents.

Posada and Bosch were arrested and charged in Venezuela for the Cubana Airlines bombing, but the men denied the accusations. The case soon became a political tug-of-war, since the suspects were in possession of sensitive Venezuelan government secrets that could embarrass President Andres Perez. The case lingered for almost a decade.

After the Reagan-Bush administration took power in Washington in 1981, the momentum for fully unraveling the mysteries of anti-communist terrorist plots dissipated. The Cold War trumped any concern about right-wing terrorism.

By the late 1980s, Orlando Bosch also was out of Venezuela’s jails and back in Miami. But Bosch, who had been implicated in about 30 violent attacks, was facing possible deportation by U.S. officials who warned that Washington couldn’t credibly lecture other countries about terrorism while protecting a terrorist like Bosch.

But Bosch got lucky. Jeb Bush, then an aspiring Florida politician, led a lobbying drive to prevent the U.S. Immigration and Naturalization Service from expelling Bosch. In 1990, the lobbying paid dividends when Jeb’s dad, President George H.W. Bush, blocked proceedings against Bosch, letting the unapologetic terrorist stay in the United States.

In 1992, also during George H.W. Bush’s presidency, the FBI interviewed Posada about the Iran-Contra scandal for 6 ½ hours at the U.S. Embassy in Honduras.

Posada filled in some blanks about the role of Bush’s vice presidential office in the secret contra operation. According to a 31-page summary of the FBI interview, Posada said Bush’s national security adviser, Donald Gregg, was in frequent contact with Felix Rodriguez.

“Posada … recalls that Rodriguez was always calling Gregg,” the FBI summary said. “Posada knows this because he’s the one who paid Rodriguez’ phone bill.” After the interview, the FBI agents let Posada walk out of the embassy to freedom. [For details, see Parry’s Lost History: Contras, Cocaine, the Press & Project Truth.]

More Attacks

Posada soon returned to his anti-Castro plotting.

In 1994, Posada set out to kill Castro during a trip to Cartagena, Colombia. Posada and five cohorts reached Cartagena, but the plan flopped when security cordons prevented the would-be assassins from getting a clean shot at Castro, according to a Miami Herald account. [Miami Herald, June 7, 1998]

The Herald also described Posada’s role in a lethal 1997 bombing campaign against popular hotels and restaurants inside Cuba that killed an Italian tourist. The story cited documentary evidence that Posada arranged payments to conspirators from accounts in the United States.

Posada landed back in jail in 2000 after Cuban intelligence uncovered a plot to assassinate Castro by planting a bomb at a meeting the Cuban leader planned with university students in Panama.

Panamanian authorities arrested Posada and other alleged co-conspirators in November 2000. In April 2004, they were sentenced to eight or nine years in prison for endangering public safety.

Four months after the sentencing, however, lame-duck Panamanian President Mireya Moscoso – who lives in Key Biscayne, Florida, and has close ties to the Cuban-American community and to George W. Bush’s administration – pardoned the convicts.

Despite press reports saying Moscoso had been in contact with U.S. officials about the pardons, the State Department denied that it pressured Moscoso to release the Cuban exiles. After the pardons and just two months before Election 2004, three of Posada’s co-conspirators – Guillermo Novo Sampol, Pedro Remon and Gaspar Jimenez – arrived in Miami to a hero’s welcome, flashing victory signs at their supporters.

While the terrorists celebrated, U.S. authorities watched the men – also implicated in bombings in New York, New Jersey and Florida – alight on U.S. soil. As Washington Post writer Marcela Sanchez noted in a September 2004 article about the Panamanian pardons, “there is something terribly wrong when the United States, after Sept. 11 (2001), fails to condemn the pardoning of terrorists and instead allows them to walk free on U.S. streets.” [Washington Post, Sept. 3, 2004]

But a whole different set of standards is now being applied to the seven black terrorism suspects in Miami. Even though they had no clear-cut plans or even the tools to carry out terrorist attacks, they have been rounded up amid great media hoopla.

The American people have been reassured that the terrorists in Miami have been located and are being brought to justice.

* * * * * 
Robert Parry broke many of the Iran-Contra stories in the 1980s for the Associated Press and Newsweek. His latest book, Secrecy & Privilege: Rise of the Bush Dynasty from Watergate to Iraq, can be ordered at secrecyandprivilege.com. It's also available at Amazon.com, as is his 1999 book, Lost History: Contras, Cocaine, the Press & 'Project Truth.'

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