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I cannot speak as an economist or a scientist. I simply
speak as a politician who wishes to unravel the
economists’ and scientists’ arguments one way or
another. I also try to sense the motivations of
each one of those who make statements on these
matters. Just twenty-two years ago, here in
Havana, we had a great number of meetings with
political, union, peasant and student leaders
invited to our country as representatives of
these sectors. They all agreed that the most
important problem at that time was the enormous
foreign debt accumulated by the nations of Latin
America in 1985. That debt amounted to 350
billion dollars. The dollar then had a higher
purchasing power than it does today.
A copy of the outcome of those meetings was sent
to all the world governments, of course with
some exceptions, because it might have seemed
insulting. At that time, the petrodollars had
flooded the market and the large transnational
banks were virtually demanding that the
countries accept high loans. Needless to say,
the people responsible for the economy had taken
on those commitments without consulting anybody.
That period coincided with the presence of the
most repressive and bloody governments this
continent has ever suffered, installed by
imperialism. Large sums were spent on weapons,
luxuries and consumer goods. The subsequent debt
grew to 800 billion dollars while today’s
catastrophic dangers were being hatched, the
dangers that weigh upon a population that
doubled in just two decades and along with it,
the number of those condemned to a life of
extreme poverty. Today, in the Latin American
region, the difference between the most favored
population and the one with the lowest income is
the greatest in the world.
Many years before the subjects of today’s
debates were center stage, the struggles of the
Third World focused on equally agonizing
problems like the unequal exchange. Year after
year it was discovered that the price of the
industrialized nations’ exports, usually
manufactured with our raw materials, would
unilaterally grow while our basic exports
remained unchanged. The price of coffee and
cacao, just to mention two examples, was
approximately 2,000 dollars a ton. A cup of
coffee or a chocolate milkshake could be bought
in cities like New York for a few cents; today,
these cost several dollars, perhaps 30 or 40
times what they cost back then. Today, the
purchase of a tractor, a truck or medical
equipment require several times the volume of
products that was needed to import them back
then; jute, henequen and other Third World
produced fibers that were substituted by
synthetic ones succumbed to the same fate. In
the meantime, tanned hides, rubber and natural
fibers used in many textiles were being replaced
by synthetic materials derived from the
sophisticated petrochemical industry while sugar
prices hit rock bottom, crushed by the large
subsidies granted by the industrialized
countries to their agricultural sector.
The former colonies or neocolonies that had been
promised a glowing future after World War II had
not yet awakened from the Bretton Woods dream.
From top to bottom, the system had been designed
for exploitation and plundering.
When consciousness was beginning to be roused,
the other extremely adverse factors had not yet
surfaced, such as the undreamed-of squandering
of energy that industrialized countries had
fallen prey to. They were paying less than two
dollars a barrel of oil. The source of fuel,
with the exception of the United States where it
was very abundant, was basically in Third World
countries, chiefly in the Middle East but also
in Mexico, Venezuela, and later in Africa. But
not all of the countries that by virtue of yet
another white lie classified as “developing
countries” were oil producers, since 82 of them
are among the poorest and as a rule they must
import oil. A terrible situation awaits them if
food stuffs are to be transformed into biofuels
or agrifuels, as the peasant and native
movements in our region prefer to call them.
Thirty years ago, the idea of global warming
hanging over our species’ life like a sword of
Damocles was not even known by the immense
majority of the inhabitants of our planet; even
today there is great ignorance and confusion
about these issues. If we listen to the
spokesmen of the transnationals and their media,
we are living in the best of all possible
worlds: an economy ruled by the market, plus
transnational capital, plus sophisticated
technology equals a constant growth of
productivity, higher GDP, higher living
standards and every dream of the human species
come true; the state should not interfere with
anything, it should not even exist, other than
as an instrument of the large financial capital.
But reality is hard-headed. Germany, one of the
most highly industrialized countries in the
world, loses sleep over its 10 percent
unemployment. The toughest and least attractive
jobs are taken by immigrants who, desperate in
their growing poverty, break into industrialized
Europe through any possible chink. Apparently,
nobody is taking note of the number of
inhabitants on our planet, growing precisely in
the undeveloped countries.
More than 700 representatives of social
organizations have just been meeting in Havana
to discuss various issues raised in this
reflection. Many of them set out their points of
view and left indelible impressions on us. There
is plenty of material to reflect upon as well as
new events happening every day.
Even now, as a consequence of liberating a
terrorist monster, two young men, who were
fulfilling their legal duty in the Active
Military Service, anxious to taste consumerism
in the United States, hijacked a bus, crashed
through one of the doors of the domestic flights
terminal at the airport, drove up to a civilian
aircraft and got on board with their hostages,
demanding to be taken to the United States. A
few days earlier, they had killed a soldier, who
was standing guard, to steal two automatic
weapons, and in the plane they fired four shots
that killed a brave officer who, unarmed and
held hostage in the bus, had attempted to
prevent the plane’s hijacking. The impunity and
the material gains that have rewarded any
violent action against Cuba during the last
half-century encourage such events. It had been
many months since we had such an incident. All
it needed was setting a notorious terrorist free
and once again death come calling at our door.
The perpetrators have not gone on trial yet
because, in the course of events, both were
wounded; one of them was shot by the other as he
fired inside the plane, while they were
struggling with the heroic army officer. Now,
many people abroad are waiting for the reaction
of our Courts and of the Council of State, while
our people here are deeply outraged with these
events. We really need a large dose of calmness
and sangfroid to confront these problems.
The apocalyptic head of the empire declared more
than five years ago that the United States armed
forces had to be on the ready to make
pre-emptive attacks on 60 or more countries in
the world; nothing less than one third of the
international community. Apparently, he is not
satisfied with the death, the torture and the
uprooting of millions of people to seize their
natural resources and the product of their
labors.
Meanwhile, the impressive international meeting
that just concluded in Havana reaffirmed my
personal conviction: every evil idea must be
submitted to devastating criticism, avoiding any
concession.
Fidel Castro Ruz
May 7, 2007.
5:42 p.m.
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