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I
remember when he visited us, months before the electoral
campaign when he was thinking of running as a candidate for
the Presidency of Ecuador. He had been the Minister of the
Economy in the government of Alfredo Palacio, a surgeon with
professional prestige who had also visited us as Vice
President, before becoming the President in an unexpected
situation that took place in Ecuador. He had been receptive
to a program of ophthalmologic operations that we offered
him as a form of cooperation. There were good relations
between our two governments.
A while
earlier Correa had resigned from the Ministry of the
Economy. He was unhappy with what he called administrative
corruption instigated by Oxy, a foreign company that
explored and invested important sums of money, but was
holding on to four out of every five barrels of oil that it
extracted. He didn’t talk about nationalization, but about
taxing them heavily; these taxes would be assigned in
advance to specific social investments. He had already
approved the measures and a judge had declared them to be
valid.
Since
the word “nationalize” had not been mentioned, I thought he
felt apprehensive about the concept. It didn’t surprise me
because he had graduated as an economist with much acclaim
from a well-known U.S. university. I didn’t bother getting
into much depth; I bombarded him with questions from the
arsenal accumulated in the struggle against the Latin
American foreign debt in 1985 and of Cuba’s own experience.
There
are high-risk investments that use sophisticated technology
and that no small nation like Cuba or Ecuador could take on.
Since
this was already in 2006 and we were determined to promote
the energy revolution, --ours was the first country on the
planet to proclaim this as a vital issue for humankind-- I
had dealt with the subject particularly emphatically. But I
halted, as I understood one of his reasons.
I
related to him the conversation I had had a while ago with
the president of REPSOL, a Spanish company. This company,
associated with other international companies, would
undertake an expensive operation to drill the ocean floor,
more than 2000 meters down, using sophisticated technology,
in Cuba’s jurisdictional waters. I asked the head of the
Spanish company: How much is an exploratory well worth? I
ask you this because we would like to participate, even if
it is for one percent of the total cost and we would like to
know what you want to do with our oil.
Correa,
for his part, had told me that for every one hundred dollars
taken out by the companies, only twenty remained in the
country; it didn’t even get into the budget, he said; it was
left in a separate fund for just about anything other than
improving the living conditions of the people.
I
abolished the fund, he told me, and directed 40 percent
towards education and health, technological and highway
development, and the rest towards buying back the debt if
the price was favorable, and if not, investing it in
something more useful. Before, every year we had to buy a
portion of that debt which was becoming more expensive.
In the
case of Ecuador –he added– oil policies verged on treason
against the country. Why do they do it? I asked him. Is it
because they are afraid of the Yankees or due to unbearable
pressure? He answered: If they have a Minister of the
Economy who tells them privatization would improve
efficiency, you can just imagine. I didn’t do that.
I
encourage him to go on and he calmly explains. The foreign
company Oxy is one that has broken its contract and
according to Ecuadorian law it requires an expiration date.
It means that the oil field operated by this company must go
over to the State, but because of Yankee pressure the
government does not dare to occupy it; a situation is
created which is not contemplated by the legislation. The
law just states that an expiration date must be set, and
nothing more. The judge at the court of first instance at
that moment was the president of PETROECUADOR and he made it
happen. I was a member of PETROECUADOR and they called an
emergency meeting to expel him from his position. I didn’t
attend and they couldn’t fire him. The judge declared the
expiration date.
What
did the Yankees want? I asked him. They wanted a fine, he
quickly replied. Listening to him I realized that I had
underestimated him.
I was
in a hurry because of a great number of commitments. I
invited him to sit in on a meeting with a large group of
highly qualified Cuban professionals who were leaving for
Bolivia to be part of the Medical Brigade; it had staff for
more than 30 hospitals including 19 surgical positions that
could do more than 130 thousand ophthalmologic operations
per year; all in the manner of free cooperation. Ecuador
possesses three similar centers with six ophthalmologic
positions.
Dinner
with the Ecuadorian economist took place into the morning
hours of February 9, 2006. There were scarcely any view
points that I didn’t cover. I even spoke to him about the
very harmful mercury that modern industry scatters
throughout the planet’s oceans. Consumerism was of course a
subject that I emphasized; the high cost of the
kilowatt/hour in the thermoelectric plants; the differences
between socialist and communist forms of distribution, the
role of money, the trillions spent on advertising which
people had no choice but to pay for in the prices of goods,
and the studies made by university social brigades who
discovered, among the 500 thousand families in the capital,
the number of elderly folk lived alone. I explained the
stage of university courses for all that we were involved
in.
We
became friends even though he perhaps received the
impression that I was self-sufficient. If that happened, it
was truly not my intention.
Since
that time I have observed his every step: the electoral
process, focusing on the concrete problems of Ecuadorians
and the people’s victory over the oligarchy.
In the
history of our peoples there are many things that bring us
together. Sucre was always a highly admired figure, along
with The Liberator Bolivar; as Marti said, what he hasn’t
done in America remains to be done, and as Neruda exclaimed,
Bolivar awakens every hundred years.
Imperialism has just committed a monstrous crime in
Ecuador. Deadly bombs were dropped in the early morning
hours on a group of men and women who, almost without
exception, were asleep. That has been deduced by all the
official reports right from the beginning. Any concrete
accusations against that group of human beings do not
justify that action. They were Yankee bombs, guided by
Yankee satellites.
Absolutely no one has the right to kill in cold blood. If
we accept that imperial method of warfare and barbarism,
Yankee bombs directed by satellites could fall on any group
of Latin American men and women, in the territory of any
country, war or no war. The fact that this happened on
undisputed Ecuadorian territory is an aggravating
circumstance.
We are
not an enemy of Colombia. Previous reflections and
exchanges demonstrate how much of an effort we have made,
both the current President of the Council of State of Cuba
and I, to abide by a declared policy of principles and
peace, proclaimed years ago in our relations with the rest
of the Latin American states.
Today,
with everything at risk, we have not been transformed into
belligerent people. We are determined supporters of that
unity among peoples which Marti named Our America.
If we
keep quiet we shall become accomplices. Today they would
like to have our friend, the economist and President of
Ecuador Rafael Correa, seated in the dock; this is something
we couldn’t even conceive that morning of February 9, 2006.
At that time it seemed that my imagination was capable of
embracing all kinds of dreams and risks, but never anything
like what has occurred in the early morning of Saturday
March 1, 2008.
Correa
has in his hands the few survivors and the rest of the
bodies. The two which are missing prove that Ecuadorian
territory was occupied by troops that crossed the border.
Now he can cry out like Emile Zola: J’accuse!

Fidel
Castro Ruz
March
3, 2008.
8:36
p.m. |